THE WASHINGTON UNION REBUKE: NO. 7
- Charles Kinch

- Sep 12
- 6 min read
THE RULE OF LAW CORRECTION:
The Rebuke
This administration’s record on the rule of law is not a matter of misunderstanding or occasional excess; it is a sustained campaign of contempt for the very idea that law governs rulers as well as the ruled. From the first days, subpoenas were ignored, oversight was mocked, and investigations were obstructed as if accountability were optional. What should have been lawful checks on executive power were dismissed as harassment, with the presidency recast not as a trust bounded by the Constitution but as a throne immune from scrutiny. This was not inadvertence. It was a deliberate effort to bend every restraint until it snapped.
The Justice Department, sworn to impartial service of the people, was repeatedly pressured to act as a political arm of the executive. Cases against allies were softened or abandoned, while critics were pursued with ferocity. Career prosecutors were overruled, investigations redirected, and sentencing recommendations manipulated — all to ensure that loyalty to one man outweighed fidelity to law. The pardon power, once an instrument of mercy, was wielded as a reward for silence and complicity. Loyalists convicted of perjury, fraud, or obstruction were absolved, sending the unmistakable signal that allegiance could purchase immunity. In these actions the principle that no one is above the law was not only discarded; it was inverted.
Judges, prosecutors, and lawyers who refused to bend were not merely opposed but openly attacked. Federal judges were singled out by name and heritage, their legitimacy questioned not by legal reasoning but by personal insult. Prosecutors who pursued cases against powerful allies were smeared, reassigned, or silenced. Entire offices of accountability — Inspectors General, ethics watchdogs, independent investigators — were purged or undermined when their findings cut too close to truth. Whistleblowers, whose duty was to expose misconduct, were treated as traitors rather than patriots, their reputations maligned and their safety endangered. By treating truth-telling as treachery and independence as betrayal, this administration sought to hollow out the very safeguards designed to defend the Republic.
Nor was the assault limited to individuals. The Constitution itself was treated as negotiable, its provisions stretched and twisted whenever they inconvenienced the powerful. Emergency powers were invoked as cover for executive overreach. “Acting” appointees were stacked in critical positions to bypass the Senate’s advice and consent. Civil servants were threatened with reclassification and removal under schemes designed to purge independence and entrench obedience. Laws meant to protect elections, civil rights, and public integrity were bent into tools of manipulation, their enforcement determined not by principle but by partisan advantage. In every arena, legality became a mask for expedience, and power was exercised not in service of law but in contempt of it.
The damage inflicted is profound. Where law is treated as theater, citizens learn that accountability is a performance rather than a guarantee. Where pardons are sold as favors, justice becomes a commodity. Where oversight is ignored, power becomes lawless. What has been lost is not only the independence of institutions but the people’s trust that their government is bound by the same rules it enforces on them. A Republic cannot survive such corrosion. For when the law becomes the property of rulers, when accountability becomes conditional, when truth-telling becomes dangerous, the covenant of self-government is broken. This administration did not defend the rule of law; it desecrated it. And in so doing, it endangered the very foundation on which liberty rests.
The Correction
The correction must also restore the independence of those entrusted to enforce and interpret the law. Attorneys General and prosecutors cannot serve as personal counsel for the powerful; they must be defenders of the public trust. Judges must be insulated from intimidation, their rulings respected even when they cut against popular or political interest. The correction demands firewalls of independence — structural protections that prevent the executive from purging honest officials, manipulating investigations, or threatening courts. The Republic is anchored in impartial justice, and without those anchors it drifts toward tyranny.
The correction extends further into the realm of transparency. Secret deals, hidden conflicts of interest, and the blending of public office with private profit cannot be tolerated. Every officeholder must be subject to clear ethics rules, binding disclosure requirements, and enforceable consequences for violations. Public service is not a path to enrichment; it is a covenant of stewardship. The correction insists that corruption in any form — financial, political, or personal — is not an inconvenience but a betrayal, and it will be rooted out with vigilance.
Equally, the correction addresses the abuse of clemency and pardon. Mercy cannot be reduced to a shield for cronies or a prize for silence. Pardons must be granted only in the spirit of justice and rehabilitation, never as tools of political reward or personal protection. The correction proclaims that clemency belongs to the people, not to one man’s circle of loyalty, and its abuse will never again be allowed to mock justice.
The correction must also secure the permanence of oversight. Whistleblowers must be protected, Inspectors General given true independence, and Congress empowered to enforce subpoenas with teeth. To expose wrongdoing is not treachery but service; to resist accountability is not strength but corruption. A government that fears scrutiny reveals its own illegitimacy, and the correction demands a culture where truth is honored, not punished.
Finally, the correction is not only structural but spiritual. It restores reverence for the idea that the Republic is a nation of laws, not of men — that legality is not whatever the powerful declare, but what the Constitution commands. To live under the rule of law is to live in a society where rights are not bartered, justice is not conditional, and power is not absolute. The correction insists that future generations inherit not a blueprint for impunity but a covenant of accountability. In this covenant the law is shield, not weapon; guardrail, not stage; the impartial protector of liberty for all.
The Verdict
The record before us leaves no room for ambiguity. This administration is guilty of waging war upon the rule of law, guilty of bending statutes into shields for its allies and spears for its critics, guilty of declaring itself above the Constitution it swore to preserve. These were not accidents of governance or errors of judgment. They were deliberate, systematic, and shameless assaults on the Republic’s foundation. Donald J. Trump and his administration did not defend the law; they desecrated it. They mocked oversight, obstructed investigations, corrupted the Department of Justice, and wielded the pardon power as a bribe for loyalty. They treated accountability as harassment, courts as adversaries, and truth-tellers as traitors. This was not leadership. It was lawlessness parading as strength, corruption masquerading as authority.
We pronounce plainly: any administration that treats subpoenas as optional has placed itself outside the bounds of democracy. Any president who wields pardons as rewards for obstruction has turned clemency into corruption. Any government that pressures prosecutors to shield friends and punish critics has abandoned justice altogether. These are not mere violations of process. They are betrayals of the covenant of citizenship, direct assaults on the principle that no one is above the law. They stand as crimes not only against individual victims but against the entire fabric of the Republic.
The damage done is deeper than partisan conflict. It is the erosion of trust — trust that law will be applied consistently, trust that justice will not bow to power, trust that leaders are bound by the same rules as the people they govern. In place of that trust, this administration left suspicion, cynicism, and a dangerous blueprint for future tyrants. By teaching citizens that oversight can be ignored, that watchdogs can be purged, that truth can be maligned, and that loyalty is a substitute for legality, it invited chaos in the very heart of constitutional order. That precedent is poison, and if left uncorrected it would unravel the Republic itself.
Therefore, we hold and declare: the Trump administration stands condemned by history and by conscience. It treated the law as property, justice as theater, and the Constitution as an obstacle to be overcome. In so doing, it revealed its own illegitimacy. We affirm that any government which dares to place itself above the law has already forfeited its claim to govern. We affirm that any president who bends justice into a tool of loyalty has declared tyranny against the Republic. We affirm that any leader who intimidates courts, punishes oversight, and mocks accountability has not preserved democracy but betrayed it.
Our ruling is absolute. The rule of law belongs to the people, not to power. Lawyers must be free to advocate without fear, prosecutors must be free to act without coercion, judges must be free to rule without intimidation, and every citizen must know that their rights cannot be traded away in service of one man’s ambition. Let it be recorded with final clarity: the Trump administration’s legacy on the rule of law is one of infamy — marked by obstruction, corruption, and contempt. Its example is not a precedent to be followed but a warning to be heeded.
And so we declare: the Washington Union Party will defend what was betrayed, restore what was broken, and uphold what was mocked. The rule of law is not negotiable, not conditional, and not fragile. It is the foundation of liberty, the covenant of democracy, and the shield of every citizen. Under our correction, it will not only be restored — it will be made unassailable, so that never again will any president, party, or power place themselves above the Constitution. This is the judgment of history, and it is final.

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